Uzbekistan plans to introduce criminal liability for training aimed at organizing mass riots and their financing. On December 11, the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis approved the corresponding bill in its first reading, developed with consideration of the experiences of Russia and Belarus.
Amendments to Article 244 of the Criminal Code of Uzbekistan expand the existing legislation, which provides for liability for organizing and participating in mass riots. The new provisions introduce penalties for undergoing training aimed at preparing mass riots and for financing such activities. Training for organizing mass riots, including the study of handling weapons and explosives, will be punishable by a fine ranging from 112.5 million to 225 million Uzbek soums, correctional labor for up to 3 years, or imprisonment for 5 to 7 years. However, individuals who voluntarily report the crime to the authorities and assist in solving the crime may be exempt from liability. Financing mass riots involving violence, looting, arson, and resistance to authorities will be punishable by imprisonment for 10 to 15 years.
Deputy Prosecutor General Svetlana Artikova explained that the bill is aimed at protecting society and statehood in turbulent times. She emphasized that financing activities to organize mass riots should be criminally punishable. The document has been agreed upon with the Supreme Court, the State Security Service, the Ministries of Economy and Finance, Internal Affairs, and Justice, and does not require additional state budget expenditures. The bill will be reviewed by committees and party factions in the lower house of parliament in the second reading.The explanatory note to the bill states that in neighboring countries, organizers of mass riots underwent special training, and cases of financing such riots were identified. The authors of the bill claim that the amendments are intended to improve the legal framework for combating such negative phenomena.
The proposed amendments to Uzbekistan’s Criminal Code are problematic for several reasons, primarily in relation to human rights, freedom of expression, and the ability of citizens to participate in peaceful protests. First, these amendments have the potential to criminalize peaceful dissent. The vague definition of “mass riots” allows authorities to label any public demonstration or expression of criticism as a threat to public order. This enables the government to suppress peaceful protests by framing them as illegal activities, even when they are entirely nonviolent. The amendments could be used to target individuals or groups simply for expressing their views, thereby curbing the fundamental right to free speech. Analyzing the July, 2022 events in Karakalpakstan it is obvious that the authorities turn peaceful protests into bloody massacres by use of deadly force against the peaceful protesters, labeling them as mass riots. There is concern that any peaceful protest or criticism of the authorities could be presented as preparation for mass riots.
Previously, accusations of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order were used, and now another article will be added to the authorities’ toolkit against citizens and their right to freedom of expression.
Another major concern is the threat to the right to assemble and associate. Any training conducted by NGOs on freedom of assembly or other human rights could be interpreted as training for organizing mass riots. Thus, any mention of the right to peaceful protests could lead to criminal liability. The amendments specifically target training for organizing mass riots, which could easily encompass legitimate educational or advocacy activities, especially by non-governmental organizations (NGOs). For example, workshops on nonviolent resistance, human rights, or democracy could be misinterpreted as “training for mass riots.” This poses a direct threat to civic engagement, as it could lead to the repression of NGOs that focus on promoting human rights, political freedom, and peaceful protest. Any attempt by citizens to engage in activities related to political or social change could be seen as an unlawful act, undermining the right to organize and protest.
The provisions of the bill are vague and overly broad, which increases the risk of abuse. For instance, training aimed at organizing mass riots could include activities unrelated to violent or unlawful actions, such as workshops on civic engagement or public activism. Such ambiguous language makes it easier for authorities to apply the law to innocent individuals or organizations that pose no threat to public safety or order. Moreover, the penalties outlined in the amendments are disproportionately severe. Punishments ranging from heavy fines to lengthy prison sentences could be used against people engaged in peaceful political activities. The harshness of these penalties further stifles political discourse and civil society engagement.
These amendments also appear to violate international human rights standards. Uzbekistan, as a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, has an obligation to uphold the right to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. The criminalization of peaceful protest and advocacy activities directly contradicts these fundamental rights, which are protected by international law. By targeting individuals and organizations that engage in peaceful political activism, Uzbekistan is not only violating its international commitments but also undermining the rights of its citizens.
The potential for abuse and politicization of these laws is also a serious concern. Because the definitions in the amendments are so broad, the law could be used to target specific individuals or political groups based on their views. This creates a situation where authorities have a free hand to arrest, detain, and prosecute individuals simply because they oppose the government. This could be seen as another tool for political repression, further eroding public trust in the government and its institutions. Citizens may begin to fear expressing their opinions or participating in public life, knowing that they could face severe consequences for engaging in lawful activities.
Finally, it is important to consider the historical context of politically motivated repression in Uzbekistan. The country has a history of suppressing dissent, most notably through the violent suppression of protests in Andijan in 2005 and Karakalpakstan in 2022. Given this history, these amendments may be seen as part of a broader trend of consolidating power and suppressing political opposition. The law could be used to justify further crackdowns on peaceful activism and dissent, making it even more difficult for citizens to engage in meaningful democratic change.
The proposed amendments pose a serious threat to fundamental human rights and freedoms in Uzbekistan. They create the potential for the repression of peaceful protest, the further stifling of civil society, and the criminalization of dissent. By broadening the definition of “mass riots” and introducing severe penalties for activities related to protest and advocacy, the government is taking a significant step backwards to Karimov era methods of suppressing its citizens. These amendments will entrench authoritarianism and prevent the country from making meaningful progress toward democracy and human rights.
